Ghassan Tueni...an absence that turns a page

The absence of Ghassan Tueni has turned a page in the history of the Lebanese press, a page that is called "An-Nahar". Ghassan Tueni was the magician of Lebanon's press. He was a true instructor who discovered several prominent journalists and intellectuals who could barely be matched, like Michael Abou Joudeh, with all his flaws and strong qualities, the world class writer Amin Maalouf, and the martyr Samir Kassir, who was known by his insightful vision. However, Tueni also took substandard journalists under his wing and turned them into press stars, only because their names were viewed in An-Nahar. Ghassan Tueni knew every secret of the press industry, he mastered it in a way where he turned An-Nahar into one of the most important dailies in the Arab region, and a pillar of Lebanese identity, which stood against the fiercest attack possible held against a Middle Eastern country, after the sluggish and cowardly Arabs have forced it to be the only open battlefield for their confrontations against Israel. Tueni was the best "maestro" of the Lebanese press, for his leadership of the An-Nahar Orchestra. He turned his newspaper into an empire, he had enough confidence to support every talented journalist, or even those who were barely good enough. He always believed he was the most important person in this institution, and had the ability make anybody succeed. He believed a successful newspaper was one that contained the largest number of successful journalists, but he also believed that An-Nahar was always able to create stars who didn't have a clue about journalism. It is Tueni's unmatched magic, the magic of a man who played a main role in helping Lebanon stay on the map of the Middle East, at a time when the Syrian regime tried every moment to overthrow this small country from existence, and linking it to a bigger entity, which was proved non-viable.  Tueni was a genius who learnt early, just like Kamel Morowa who died in 1966, that journalism is an comprehensive industry. He succeeded in moving the An-Nahar headquarters from its humble offices in the al-Taweeleh market, to the entrance of al-Hamra, the most elegant street in the Arab region during the sixties and seventies. Later he realised that An-Nahar's future, just like Lebanon's, was associated with reviving Beirut's city centre, a pet project of former prime minister Rafiq al-Hariri. So, An-Nahar moved to its new headquarters there. Jebran Tueni, Ghassan's son, was the one to be thanked, and was the one to lead the institution after his father, if he had not been assassinated by the Syrian regime in 2005. Thanks to a small group of anonymous journalists, An-Nahar was able to survive amid the long years of civil war and other countries conflicts that took place in Lebanon. The newspaper never showed hostility against the Palestinian cause, despite the harm done by some Palestinians to Lebanon. I strongly maintain that only some of the Palestinians have created this trouble, not all of them. Those "some" were involved in the Syrian regime's plans, that intended to destroy every Lebanese institution that can contribute to progress and development in Lebanon, including An-Nahar. Ghassan Tueni was not only a prominent journalist, but also a politician who always rated himself highly. He mixed journalism with politics, not because he had succeeded to win winning a seat in Lebanon's parliament at the age of 27, but for the fact he had realised Annahar's ability to bring down presidents, like what happened with President Beshara al-Khoury in 1952, or its ability to make presidents, like what happened with President Sleiman Franjiyeh in 1970. Only history can assess Tueni's political career, or can judge whether Tueni, a minister and deputy prime minister in Saeb Salam's cabinet in 1970, was a true politician, or just an ambitious man who failed to realise the difference between a successful journalist and a successful politician. Did Tueni's political ambitions prevent him from understanding the very simple concept which states that the successful journalist isn't a successful politician by default? If Ghassan Tueni was a successful politician, would he have gone that far in challenging President Fouad Chehab, then challenging the so called the second bureau (the army intelligence) ? Needless to say, a lot of mistakes had been committed during this period, but the main question remains; Did Fouad Chehab deserve all this hostility from An-Nahar and Ghassan Tueni? Did Chehab deserve an apology from Tueni, taking into account Tueni's role in pushing Sleiman Franjiyeh to the president's seat in the expense of a proper man like Elias Serkis? Again, only history will assess Tueni's political career, including his conflict with Franjiyeh and the figures of his rule in the seventies, and his role as a permanent representative of Lebanon in the United Nations which could associate him with the security council's decree number 425. Was Tueni a beneficial figure for his country during his spell at the United Nations, or was his newspaper more in need of him then? During Tueni's absence from An-Nahar (1976-1988), the newspaper witnessed daily crises, although it somehow succeeded to survive in a country which was dying. This absence was deepened in the post-Israeli invasion era, and the election of Amin Gemayel as a president. At  this time Tueni had a part to play in reaching the controversial May 17 agreement, in which the Lebanese may had missed a chance to get rid of the Israeli occupation once and for all. This debate would last for long, especially as it is now. However, and regardless of all the slogans adopted by some people who may have never read the agreement, the question is: Did Amin Gemayel have any other choice than cancelling this agreement? Taking into account the pressure imposed by the Syrian regime on him amid the lack of any Arab or international support for the small country. After signing the Taef agreement and regaining a semblance of civil peace in Lebanon, Ghassan Tueni returned to An-Nahar, and brought it back to life with big support from PM Hariri, which was vital at this stage. The endorsement was part of Hariri's support to every Lebanese institution that could enrich the intellectual, political and cultural activities in the country, but Hariri's support to An-Nahar has cost him a lot. This is what is ignored by many, who didn't realise the real value of An-Nahar or of Ghassan Tueni's son, Jebran,  who was the only guarantee of continuation of this press orchestra led by his father for long, but unfortunately this is no more. And today we have missed the leader of this orchestra and a genuine part of Lebanon's diversity and uniqueness.